Wednesday, 17 January 2018 11:29

The Nivaclé people

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The Nivaclé People

They have been called by different names, such as Ashlushlai, Suhín, and Chulupí; however, their self-designation is Nivaclé, meaning "generic man." Historically, they were a large people divided into territorial groups. They were primarily distinguished as Tovoc Lhavos (people of the river) and Yita’ Lhavos (people of the forest), as well as Jotoi Lhavos (people of the reed beds) and Tavashai Lhavos (people of the plains). The Tovoc Lhavos were further divided into Chishamnee Lhavos (people from upriver) and Shichaan Lhavos (people from downriver).

According to anthropological studies, the Nivaclé people followed the course of the Pilcomayo River as they populated the Paraguayan Chaco, gradually distancing themselves from their linguistic relatives: the Manjui, who settled in the upper Pilcomayo and inland areas to the north, and the Maká, who established themselves in the lower Pilcomayo and the Low Chaco regions.

However, the Nivaclé's own explanations assert their presence in the Pilcomayo basin since time immemorial. They tell of their mythological origins from a time when humans could still communicate with animals as equals. Their cosmology describes the universe as having three levels, supported by four strong pillars. They recount various cataclysms that shaped their world: the fall of the sky and its subsequent shift in position with the earth, the great fire that engulfed the world, and the great flood that destroyed most of the vegetation, animals, and humans.

Beyond their awareness of mythological times, their collective memory preserves a rich history of the past two or three centuries. It recalls periods of stability within Nivaclé communities, supported by a diversified economy that included fishing, gathering, hunting, maize cultivation in wetlands, and farming in cleared fields where they grew cassava, sweet potatoes, squash, watermelon, beans, and tobacco. These were also times of security, ensured by an efficient collective defense against aggressors from other tribes and diplomatic relations with the Mataco people to the south, which involved a sophisticated trade system. Through this exchange, the Nivaclé incorporated goats, sheep, and horses into their economy.

However, more recent Nivaclé history tells of a gradual decline in their tribal way of life. Attracted by the goods offered by white settlers, the Nivaclé began, in the early 20th century, to migrate annually to the sugar mills in Argentina’s Jujuy province for seasonal labor. These journeys led to new alliances with other ethnic groups and brought certain economic advantages. However, according to their own accounts, they also initiated a moral decline among the younger generation, who were exposed to the vices of the "civilized" world. Additionally, they spent long periods away from their villages along the Pilcomayo River—precisely at a time when the Bolivian army was beginning to occupy the area. Once again, they rallied under the leadership of their warrior chief, Tofai, but they were unable to expel the invaders.

The Nivaclé remember the time of the Chaco War as a period of persecution and suffering, from which only those who sought refuge in the missions of the Vicariate of the Pilcomayo or fled to Argentina could escape. After the war, they never regained the economic and political autonomy they once had. Seeking new job opportunities, they turned to the Mennonite colonies of the Central Chaco, embarking on a process of building a new way of life and forging a new social identity. Christianity became a central part of this new identity.

Today, collective efforts to shape an ethnic identity continue, based on historical memory and a fusion of cultural traditions with new influences. Key symbols of identity remain: ethnic unity, collective ingenuity, the Nivaclé language, and family organization, where women play a central role in managing the household. The importance of traditional crafts is also upheld, particularly in the production of woven caraguatá (a local plant fiber), wool textiles, and ceramic goods.

At the same time, the Nivaclé people's self-perception and vision for the future include active participation in the national economy and politics. They aspire to higher levels of formal education and technical and vocational training. While they prefer informal labor and professional work, they are also open to new economic projects based on a diversified model that includes agriculture and livestock production.

They also seek social empowerment through legal recognition and political alliances with the surrounding society. They aim for intercommunity unity through an "Organization of the Nivaclé People." At the same time, they strive to consolidate their internal development by strengthening institutions such as schools and Christian churches, along with the customs, practices, and values they promote. These efforts are being formalized through community statutes, as part of an ongoing process to shape a new ethnic identity.

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